ODVZEM VOLILNE PRAVICE SOBČANKAM IN SOBČANOM // REVOKING LOCAL VOTING RIGHTS FROM NON-EU PERMANENT RESIDENTS
V ponedeljek, 15. junija 2026, so poslanci in poslanke Državnega zbora potrdili spremembe Zakona o lokalnih volitvah, ki med drugim odvzema volilno pravico državljanom tretjih držav, ki imajo dovoljenje za stalno prebivanje v Republiki Sloveniji. Te osebe tukaj živijo že vrsto let, delajo, plačujejo davke, vzgajajo otroke, soustvarjajo lokalne skupnosti in predstavljajo njihov nepogrešljiv del.
Sprememba je sporna, saj omejuje politične pravice skupine prebivalcev, ki so jih pridobili pred več kot dvemi desetletji. Obravnavana je bila po skrajšanem zakonodajnem postopku in na začetku mandata, s čimer je onemogočena širša javna in strokovna razprava, ki bi jo takšen poseg v demokratične standarde nedvomno zahteval. Gre za spodkopavanje politične participacije v širšem smislu, saj se volilna zakonodaja spreminja tik pred jesenskimi lokalnimi volitvami.
Odvzem volilne pravice bo utišal približno 100.000 glasov. Volilno pravico spreminja v politično orodje – morda v hiter obliž, s katerim naj bi se “pomirila” javnost v času vse večje globalne negotovosti in draginje. Tujci so ponovno postali izgovor za preusmerjanje pozornosti od številnih težav lokalne uprave. Pri tem se sprašujemo, ali niso predlagatelji odvzeli volilne pravice tudi tistim upravičencem, ki so zanje glasovali na preteklih lokalnih volitvah.
Volilna pravica je eden temeljnih institutov demokracije, ki temelji na načelu, da imajo ljudje, ki živijo v določeni skupnosti, možnost sodelovati pri odločanju o vprašanjih, ki vplivajo na njihovo vsakdanje življenje. Volilna pravica ni privilegij, temveč mehanizem vključevanja in politične participacije ljudi, ki so trajno povezani z okoljem, v katerem živijo. Ne gre zgolj za tehnično vprašanje, temveč za občutek pripadnosti in družbeno kohezijo. Paradoksalno je od priseljenk in priseljencev pričakovati, da se bodo vključili v novo okolje, hkrati pa jim odvzeti možnost soodločanja o skupnosti, katere del naj bi postali.
Državljani tretjih držav s stalnim prebivališčem imajo po trenutno veljavni zakonodaji volilno pravico na občinski oziroma lokalni ravni, ne pa tudi na državni. To pomeni, da lahko v občini, kjer imajo stalno prebivališče, volijo župana in člane občinskega sveta, nimajo pa pravice sodelovati na volitvah v Državni zbor ali na volitvah predsednika republike. Na lokalni ravni jim je zagotovljena aktivna volilna pravica, to je pravica glasovati, pasivne volilne pravice, torej pravice kandidirati in biti izvoljeni, pa nimajo. Ta je na lokalni ravni priznana državljanom Republike Slovenije in državljanom drugih držav članic EU.
Volilna pravica na lokalnih volitvah za državljane tretjih držav ni izjema. Različne oblike takšne pravice priznava večina držav članic Evropske unije. Na Švedskem, Danskem, Portugalskem in v Litvi jo lahko tujci uveljavljajo po treh letih zakonitega prebivanja, na Finskem po štirih letih, v Belgiji, na Nizozemskem in na Madžarskem pa po petih letih. Ne gre za obrobno posebnost, temveč za uveljavljeno prakso.
V Luksemburgu, kjer je udeležba na volitvah obvezna, časovnih pogojev ni – tujci ob predhodni registraciji pridobijo volilno pravico z vpisom v volilni imenik. Podobno ureditev poznajo na Irskem, kjer imajo pravico glasovati na lokalnih volitvah vsi prebivalci, ne glede na državljanstvo. Za udeležbo na volitvah ni potrebno niti stalno prebivališče niti večletno bivanje v državi, temveč zadoščajo prebivanje v lokalni skupnosti, starost najmanj 18 let in vpis v volilni imenik.
Slovenska ureditev je tako v primerjavi z drugimi evropskimi državami že doslej precej restriktivna, a hkrati velja za primer dobre prakse na področju politik integracije.
V obdobju zaključevanja pristopnih pogajanj za vstop v Evropsko unijo je Slovenija kot mlada država želela dokazati, da je demokratična, solidarna in zavezana evropskim vrednotam. Maja 2002 je vlada Janeza Drnovška v okviru širših demokratičnih reform razširila lokalno volilno pravico tudi na tujce s stalnim prebivališčem. Istega leta sta podobne rešitve uvedli tudi Estonija in Litva. Predlagatelji razširitve so jo takrat predstavljali kot civilizacijsko normo in kot del približevanja evropskim političnim standardom.
Kakšni pa so ti standardi danes, ko vlada ad hoc odvzema volilno pravico manjšinskemu delu prebivalstva?
Države, ki državljanom tretjih držav (še) ne priznavajo volilne pravice ali jo omejujejo, razvijajo druge mehanizme političnega vključevanja. V Avstriji, Nemčiji, Italiji in Grčiji, kjer tujci nimajo volilne pravice, delujejo migrantski sveti, integracijske komisije in druga posvetovalna telesa, ki omogočajo institucionalizirano zastopanje migrantskih skupnosti ter dialog z lokalnimi oblastmi.
Takšni mehanizmi sicer ne nadomeščajo volilne pravice, vendar predstavljajo pomemben kanal za sodelovanje migrantov pri oblikovanju lokalnih politik in odločitev, ki vplivajo na njihovo vsakdanje življenje. Posvetovalna telesa poznajo tudi v Luksemburgu, Belgiji, Španiji in na Nizozemskem, čeprav te države pod določenimi pogoji tujcem omogočajo tudi uresničevanje volilne pravice na lokalni ravni.
Nemčija, ki državljanom tretjih držav ne priznava volilne pravice, hkrati pa beleži visok delež prebivalcev migrantskega porekla, je junija 2024 poenostavila dostop do nemškega državljanstva. Namesto krčenja političnih pravic je izbrala vključujoč pristop: olajšala je pridobitev državljanstva in s tem dostop do polne politične participacije, vključno s splošno volilno pravico.
Spremembam Zakona o lokalnih volitvah, ki državljanom tretjih držav odvzemajo volilno pravico na lokalni ravni, ostro nasprotujemo. Zahtevamo, da se predlagane spremembe presodijo z vidika njihove skladnosti z Ustavo Republike Slovenije.
Vlado pozivamo, naj prepozna razvojne priložnosti za krepitev vključevanja in politične participacije vseh prebivalcev Republike Slovenije. Obenem opozarjamo, da je treba poleg volilne pravice okrepiti tudi druge oblike vključevanja tujcev v demokratične procese. Med drugim je treba poenostaviti postopke za pridobitev državljanstva ter na občinski ravni vzpostaviti svete za vključevanje priseljencev.
Politične pravice imajo tudi ljudje, ki v skupnosti trajno živijo, čeprav niso njeni državljani. Sodobne demokracije ne temeljijo zgolj na načelu večine, temveč tudi na varstvu manjšin, človekovih pravicah, ustavnih omejitvah oblasti in vključevanju skupin, ki nimajo politične moči. V demokratičnih ureditvah vprašanje ni le, kdo zmaga na volitvah, temveč tudi, kdo je v politično skupnost sploh vključen. Gre za temeljno vprašanje, ali Republika Slovenija tujce s stalnim prebivališčem razume kot enakovreden del lokalnih skupnosti, v katerih živijo.
Vprašanje zato ni le, komu je bil danes odvzet glas. Ključno vprašanje je, kakšno demokracijo želimo graditi: takšno, ki ljudi vključuje in spodbuja njihovo sodelovanje pri javnih zadevah, ali takšno, ki delu prebivalstva odreka politični glas, čeprav je del skupnosti, v njej živi, dela in prispeva k njenemu razvoju.
PODPISNIKI IZJAVE
Kulturno društvo Gmajna
Kulturni center Danilo Kiš
Slovenska filantropija
PIC - Pravni center za varstvo človekovih pravic in okolja
Kulturni klub - Club culturale iz Kopra
Infokolpa
Inštitut Časopis za kritiko znanosti
Založba /*cf. - Zavod za založniško in raziskovalno dejavnost
Inštitut za multikulturne raziskave - IMR
Albansko kulturno društvo - AKD LIRIA
Bošnjaška kulturna zveza Slovenije
Bošnjaško mladinsko kulturno društvo Velenje
Zveza albanskih kulturnih društev v Sloveniji
Zveza zvez kulturnih društev narodnih skupnosti konstitutivnih narodov nekdanje SFRJ v Republiki Sloveniji
Kulturno društvo albancev Migjeni - KDA Migjeni
Kulturno društvo albancev Besa Celje
Društvo albanskih žensk Teuta
Društvo Ymer Elshani Slovenija
Kulturno društvo Albancev Slovenske Istre Iliria-Koper
Kulturno in športno društvo “Sandžak” v Sloveniji
Kulturno izobraževalno društvo Bashkimi Maribor
Društvo za kulturno kontaminacijo AnKlaB
Društvo Ljiljan
Kulturno umetniško in športno društvo Behar
Bošnjačko kulturno društvo RUH Domžale
Sangai d.o.o. - Sangai - Skupaj
Zavod Proja
Kulturno društvo Mihajlo Pupin Ljubljana
Znanstvenoraziskovalni center Slovenske akademije znanosti in umetnosti - ZRC SAZU
Društvo Medkulturni dialog
Društvo Afriški center
Društvo Ključ - center za boj proti trgovanju z ljudmi
Delavska svetovalnica
Inštitut za delavske študije
Društvo Humanitas - Center za globalno učenje in sodelovanje
Društvo OV-CA
[English]
On Monday, 15 June 2026, the Slovenian National Assembly adopted amendments to the Local Elections Act that, among other changes, revoke local voting rights for third-country nationals (non-EU citizens) holding permanent residence permits in Slovenia. These individuals have lived in the country for many years, work, pay taxes, raise children, contribute to local communities, and form an integral part of Slovenian society.
The amendment is controversial because it restricts the political rights of a group of residents who acquired these rights more than two decades ago. It was considered under a fast-track legislative procedure and at the very beginning of the parliamentary term, thereby preventing the broader public and expert debate that such a significant departure from democratic standards would undoubtedly require. It represents a broader undermining of political participation, particularly as electoral legislation is being changed just before the autumn local elections.
The removal of voting rights will disenfranchise more than 100,000 people. It turns the right to vote into a political tool—perhaps a quick fix intended to “reassure” the public during a period of growing global uncertainty and rising living costs. Once again, foreigners have become a convenient excuse for diverting attention away from the many challenges facing local government. In this context, we are left wondering whether the proponents of this measure have also taken away the voting rights of some of the very people who supported them in previous local elections.
The right to vote is one of the fundamental pillars of democracy, based on the principle that people who live in a given community should have the opportunity to participate in decisions affecting their everyday lives. Voting rights are not a privilege but a mechanism for inclusion and political participation for people who are permanently connected to the place in which they live. This is not merely a technical issue; it concerns a sense of belonging and social cohesion. It is paradoxical to expect immigrants to integrate into a new environment while simultaneously depriving them of the opportunity to participate in decisions concerning the community of which they are expected to become a part.
Under the legislation currently in force, third-country nationals with permanent residence have voting rights at the municipal level, but not at the national level. This means that they may vote for mayors and municipal council members in the municipality where they permanently reside, but they cannot participate in elections to the National Assembly or in presidential elections. At the local level, they are granted active voting rights—that is, the right to vote—but not passive voting rights, meaning the right to stand for election and be elected. At the local level, passive voting rights are reserved for citizens of the Republic of Slovenia and citizens of other EU Member States.
Voting rights in local elections for third-country nationals are not an exception. Various forms of such rights are recognised by the majority of European Union Member States. In Sweden, Denmark, Portugal, and Lithuania, foreigners may exercise these rights after three years of lawful residence; in Finland, after four years; and in Belgium, the Netherlands, and Hungary after five years. This is not a marginal peculiarity but an established European practice.
In Luxembourg, where voting is compulsory, there are no minimum residence requirements—foreign nationals acquire voting rights by registering on the electoral roll. A similar arrangement exists in Ireland, where all residents, regardless of citizenship, have the right to vote in local elections. Participation does not require permanent residence or many years of residence in the country; living in the local community, being at least 18 years old, and being registered on the electoral roll are sufficient.
Compared with other European countries, Slovenia’s system has already been relatively restrictive, yet it has also been regarded as an example of good practice in the field of integration policies.
During the period of concluding accession negotiations for membership in the European Union, Slovenia, as a young state, sought to demonstrate that it was democratic, committed to solidarity, and aligned with European values. In May 2002, the government of Janez Drnovšek extended local voting rights to foreigners with permanent residence as part of a broader package of democratic reforms. Estonia and Lithuania introduced similar measures in the same year. At the time, proponents of the reform presented it as a democratic standard and as part of Slovenia’s alignment with European political norms.
What, then, do those standards look like today, when the government is arbitrarily stripping a minority segment of the population of voting rights?
Countries that do not (yet) grant voting rights to third-country nationals, or that restrict them, have developed other mechanisms for political inclusion. In Austria, Germany, Italy, and Greece, where foreigners do not have voting rights, migrant councils, integration commissions, and other advisory bodies provide institutional representation for migrant communities and facilitate dialogue with local authorities.
Although such mechanisms do not replace voting rights, they constitute important channels through which migrants can participate in shaping local policies and decisions that affect their daily lives. Advisory bodies also exist in Luxembourg, Belgium, Spain, and the Netherlands, even though these countries allow foreigners to exercise voting rights at the local level under certain conditions.
Germany, which does not grant voting rights to third-country nationals and at the same time has a high proportion of residents with a migrant background, simplified access to German citizenship in June 2024. Rather than restricting political rights, it chose an inclusive approach: facilitating naturalisation and thereby expanding access to full political participation, including universal suffrage.
We strongly oppose the amendments to the Local Elections Act that revoke local voting rights from third-country nationals. We call for the proposed changes to be assessed for their compatibility with the Constitution of the Republic of Slovenia.
We urge the government to recognise the opportunities that come with strengthening inclusion and political participation for all residents of the Republic of Slovenia. At the same time, we emphasise that, alongside voting rights, other forms of participation by foreign residents in democratic processes must also be strengthened. This includes simplifying procedures for acquiring citizenship and establishing municipal councils for immigrant inclusion at the local level. The proposed amendments would affect more than 100,000 permanent residents, making this one of the largest restrictions of political participation in Slovenia since independence.
Slovenia was built not only by its citizens, but also by generations of people who came from other parts of former Yugoslavia and made their lives here. Many of those affected by the proposed changes have spent decades contributing to Slovenian society, economy, and local communities. A democracy confident in itself expands participation and inclusion; it does not narrow them. Excluding long-term residents from local democratic life sends a message that contribution, belonging, and participation matter less than formal status. This is not a path toward stronger democracy, but toward a more divided society.
Political rights also belong to people who permanently live in a community, even if they are not its citizens. Modern democracies are based not only on majority rule but also on the protection of minorities, respect for human rights, constitutional limits on power, and the inclusion of groups that lack political influence. In democratic systems, the question is not only who wins elections, but also who is included in the political community in the first place. At stake is a fundamental question: does the Republic of Slovenia regard foreign nationals with permanent residence as equal members of the local communities in which they live?
The question, therefore, is not merely whose voice was taken away today. The real question is what kind of democracy we want to build: one that includes people and encourages their participation in public life, or one that denies a political voice to part of the population despite the fact that they live, work, and contribute to the development of the communities they call home.
For sources and cosignatories of the statement, refer to the Slovenian text.
V okviru projekta EMV-LII, ki ga sofinancira EU. // Part of project EMV-LII, co-funded by the EU.
